《谁觉醒了中国》中文版、英文版全文下载

英文名《Awakened China: The Country Americans Don't Know》



《谁觉醒了中国》

道布尔迪公司，股份有限公司
花园城市，纽约
1961年

以下是书中摘抄的部分内容，本人不会翻译直接贴过来
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            TABLE OF CONTENTS  

AWAKENED
CHINA

The Country Americans
Don't Know

DOUBLEDAY & COMPANY, INC.
Garden City, New York
1961

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-------------------------

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
It would be impossible for me to list by name all
those in Asia, England, and America who have in one way or an-
other contributed to this book, whether by assisting me in prepara-
tion of the manuscript, or by deepening my knowledge and
understanding of events in China.

To all of them, I remain enormously indebted.

Especially, I would not wish this book to leave my hands without
an e­xpression of gratitude to the scores—the hundreds, actually—
of individuals in China who extended to me hospitality, courtesy,
and hours upon hours of time. These included peasants and scien-
tists, laborers and engineers, bellboys and cabinet ministers. Among
them were many in official positions, but by far the larger number
were ordinary citizens.

They were as eager to tell me about their country as I was to
learn. Otherwise, this book could not have been written.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface  13  

Part One  
Chapter 1. Hong Kong  21  

Chapter 2. Going In  25  

Chapter 3. Peking Express  28  

Chapter 4. A Banquet  36  


Part Two  
Chapter 5. Peking, the Old and the New  43  

Chapier 6. "We Clap Our Hands We Are So Happy"  55  

Chapter 7. Peking Incidents  63  


Part Three  
Chapter 8. Assembly Lines  69  

Chapter 9. Shenyang: Pittsburgh of China  82  

Chapter 10. Anshan: Steel City  88  

Chapter 11. China an Industrial Power  95  


CHINA KALEIDOSCOPE 1  111  


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PREFACE
In the past ten years hardly a dozen residents of the
United States, have set foot on the mainland of China with U.S.
government approval. Only three were reporters. I was one of them
and the only one who has been there twice.

I went to China first in 1957, taking with me all the prevailing
assumptions and apprehensions generally prevalent in the United
States. I expected to find a country of vast impoverishment and
dreadful squalor and disease. I prepared myself to see a people em-
bittered by the rigid coercions of a police state. I expected to see
fear as I had seen it in Russia in the early thirties and later in
Germany and Italy. That was the China I expected but it was not
the China that I found.

The discrepancy between what I had been led to expect and
what I actually saw was at first bewildering and disturbing. No one
can be in China for more than a few hours without sensing an
almost tangible vitality and an enormous optimism. I saw in the
people a buoyancy and confidence which was utterly unlike my
expectations.

I had already traveled, either as a staff member of the British
Broadcasting Corporation or, later, on my own as a businessman
and free-lance correspondent, to most of the countries of the world.
I thought of myself as a hardened traveler. I was rather blasé. I
did not think that seeing a new country could ever really stir or
excite me again. But I was wrong. No experience in my life shook
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PART ONE


Hong Kong 1


May 23
My last day in Hong Kong. The usual rush. All the
things I had put off or forgotten, and a hundred others never before
thought of. Fountain pen, extra notebook paper, color filters, extra
batteries for the new tape recorder. Every store in town, of course,
claiming the rock-bottom cut rates. I studied one of the new Bolex
16-mm. cameras, rapidly weakening. Would they ever permit taking
movies of the communes? Probably not. But they might, they just
might—I broke down: Bolex, zoom lens, all the gadgets, complete
with the lightweight tripod which I think weighs half a ton. Sweat-
ing and encumbered, I dodged through the crowded streets of this
summer city.

On my fourth trip to the China Travel Agency, bad news for the
fourth time. Still no visa . . .

"It will be all fight," said the agent.

"But they definitely promised the confirmation from Canton."

"It will be all right."

I gave up. In any case the whole business was now out of my
hands. And I wanted to look up Kwai-ling before I left. . . . Hail-
ing a cab, I rode to the grocery store where she worked . . . where
she had worked when I had last seen her the year before.
"Gone," said the proprietor.

-21-



Going In 2


May 24
Far too early, I arrived at Kowloon station.

The confirmation had not yet come. "But it will be all right," the
travel representative once more assured me. "It will be at the bor-
der." But will it? Who can tell? I already imagined the border offi-
cial, polite, smiling: "So sorry, Mr. Greene, it will not, after all, be
quite convenient for you to enter China just now. . . ." It had hap-
pened to others—the last-minute change of mind in Peking. But
at least I was not afraid today, as I had been three years before.
I was actually half hoping, then, that I would be turned back at the
border. There had been so many warnings from Hong Kong
friends. "You're a damn fool to be going in," they had told me.
"They know you live in America. They'll trump up some spy charge
against you. Then you've had it." Another had said, "Everybody is
followed continuously, of course, and your letters will be opened
and phone calls monitored. Watch your step, man!" Worst of all
was the dapper little Chinese who had approached me in the hotel
lobby the night before I left. (Who was he, anyway?) Slipping an
innocuous picture postcard into my hand, he had said matter-of-
factly, in perfect English, "If you get into trouble, Mr. Greene, or if
you think they are about to arrest you, mail this and we will see
what we can do." He had disappeared before I could even say "Hey,
wait a minute!" I tore the postcard up.

Despite the frightful warnings, I had gone into China, spent four
or five weeks, and lived to see Hong Kong again. So I knew better
this time, my only real anxiety now was that damned confirmation
from Canton.

At 10:20, on schedule, the train pulled out of Kowloon headed
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Peking Express 3
Slung with Bolex, exposure meters, gadget bags, my
Zeiss cameras, and that "lightweight" half-ton tripod, I staggered
after the others. Health certificates first. In another waiting room,
another long form to fill—border stations are the same all over the
world—camera numbers? quantity of unexposed film? the usual
questions.

Next, to the examination of baggage.

My miniature tape recorder intrigued the examiner.

"It's very small," he said.

I nodded. He was, I think, an electronics engineer at heart. He
fingered the recorder affectionately. "Nickel cadmium batteries?"

"Yes."

"Does it have a wide frequency range?"

"No, but good enough for speech." I knew what he wanted and
waited for him to ask.

"May I switch it on?" He was like a small boy.

"Of course."

The night before, in my hotel room, to test the thing, I had
picked up an old copy of an American magazine, I have forgotten
which, and read from the first page that fell open. What was it I
had read? Panic as it came to me—too late. From the tiny machine,
my own voice spoke, clear, distinct: "With the use of modern in-
fra-red film and stereo lenses wide areas of territory can today be
photographed from high; altitudes—"

Why had I chosen that, of all pieces to read? Why not a sym-
phony review or the latest dope on the New York Yankees? Why
in the name of heaven had I not washed the thing off? The customs
man, e­xpressionless, was listening intently. I saw my China trip
ending here . . . held for investigation. . . tape sent to Peking for
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A Banquet   4

lost






PART TWO


Peking,
the Old and the New 5
In 1949 when the Communists marched into Peking,
the city, with a population of not much more than a million and
a half, was wholly enclosed within its walls. As in the days of the
Emperors'the gates of the city were shut at night. Immediately
beyond the walls were the rice fields and vegetable gardens. To-
day, eleven years later with a population that has soared to four
million, seven and a half million if the whole municipal area is
included, Peking has burst through its walled enclosure and has
burgeoned outward in every direction. The forty-foot-thick walls
have been pierced to allow new boulevards to radiate from the city
and the walls are now not much more than picturesque reminders
of a legendary past.

Peking continues to be the heart, the mind, the controlling center
of China.

It is a very ancient city; its origins are buried in the far past.
Records show that over four thousand years ago there was already a
settlement at the spot where the present city stands. By the twelfth
century, known then as Chungtu, the city was playing an important
role as a commercial center and as headquarters for the forces pro-
tecting the country from the encroachments of nomadic tribes from
the north. When Genghis Khan swooped down from beyond the
northern deserts he captured Chungtu. A hundred years later his
grandson Kublai Khan, having conquered the whole of China, re-

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"We Clap Our Hands We Are So Happy 6

lost







Peking Incidents 7
"What do you take me for—an imbecile? Do you
think I've flown six thousand kilometers from Paris in the utmost
discomfort to see an old railroad station?" Her voice was shrill and
contemptuous; she was a free-lance journalist on an assignment
from a French left-wing magazine.

"It isn't an old station" (it was Hsu doing his best), "it's really
quite new." She didn't want to hear.

"I come to China to see communism, I come to see Mao Tse-
tung, I come to see the rebirth of a great and glorious people—
and you say go to a railroad station!" and out of Mr. Hsu's little
office she flounced.

"What's this all about, Hsu?"

Hsu, my original Intourist greeter to Peking, had become some-
thing of a friend. We shared a mutual dislike for Peking opera and
a mutual attachment to ballet and some of the new dance-dramas
that are being developed in China today. He seemed to have a
miraculous ability to get seats at the last minute for most of the
shows I wanted to see—on one occasion (I only learned this after-
ward) giving up his own long-awaited chance to see a particular
play so that I could go. I liked him enormously, especially his oa-
pacity for anger.

One day in his office in the Shin Chiao, I sat, fascinated, listening
to him conduct a fifteen-minute uninterrupted high-speed high-
temper tirade on the telephone which even with my ignorance of
the Chinese language I knew was making the wires sizzle, and then
at the end, having slammed the receiver down, he turned to me
without a second's pause, flourishing a ticket in the air. "Mr.
Greene, Mr. Greene, I have a seat for you for Swan Lake tonight!"

"What's all this about, Hsu?"
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PART THREE


Assembly Lines 8
The Northeast (formerly known as Manchuria) is
historically the oldest industrialized area of China and contains
enormous deposits of coal and iron ore. Foundaries and steel mills
were established in Mudden and Anshan by the Japanese early in
this century.

Until 1880 entry into the land of the Manchus was forbidden
by decree of the Emperors. By 1900, however, land-hungry peasants
from North China—Shantung province in particular—were encour-
aged to immigrate. This sprawling area of some half a million
square miles then had a population density of only seventy persons
per square mile compared to more than five hundred in some areas
of China proper.

The Northeast, despite its severe winters, has rich farmlands as
well as great mineral wealth. Principal crops are kaoliang, soybeans,
wheat, millet, flax, beets, rice, and in the hot summers cotton can
be grown.

The Russians had for many years claimed a vague suzerainty
over large areas of Manchuria; and after the completion of the
Trans-Siberian railway and the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion
in 1901 they pushed southward to the warm-water ports of Port
Arthur and Dairen. But after Russia's defeat by the Japanese in
1905, Japan took possession of the richer part of Manchuria, the
south; the Russians continued to occupy the northern half until

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Shenyang:
Pittsburgh of China 9
The final stage of the train journey to Shenyang—
once known as Mukden—the largest city in the Northeast. Popu-
lation nearly three million. As the train nears the city new factories,
new blast furnaces, poke up through the rice paddies and kaoliang
fields; then the scene becomes a jumble of industrial plants, smok-
ing chimneys, and endless gray streets.

Shenyang is the main rail center for the southern part of the in-
dustrial Northeast, and is the focus of nearly a dozen major cities.
In 1952, on the eve of the first Five-Year Plan, more than 50 per
cent of China's industrial production came out of the Northeast.
In terms of sheer industry, Shenyang makes Harbin and Changchun
seem small-scale. There is simply no comparison. One could spend
weeks here going through factories. I went through many—some as
muddled as the Changchun truck plant; some in a curious state of
transition, factories in which age-old hand methods were combined
with modern streamlined techniques ("walking on two legs" the
Chinese call this); and some that I think could, as smooth-running
operations, compare with any in the Western world.

The Shenyang Number 1 Machine Tool Factory presents a sharp
contrast to the truck factory I saw a few days ago. It took a bit of
doing to discover the number of lathes being manufactured. I had
hardly sat down when Mr. Nieh Tseng-kuo, deputy-director of the
factory, confronted me with a base of 100 for 1956 and then pro-
ceeded to rattle off yearly increases to 180 per cent, 280, 350, etc.
I shook my head, and asked him for something more concrete.
After all, percentages based on a hypothetical 100 base are quite
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10: Anshan: Steel City



China an
Industrial Power 11
Chinese technical and industrial advances, hitherto
(in the words of the New York Times) "only a rumble as far as
most Americans are concerned," are now coming through "with
thundering reality." This is no place to make a detailed and defini-
tive assessment of China's industrial and commercial potential, and
any such attempt would be rich in error. The technological revolu-
tion in China is too vast, is changing too rapidly, is too new for a
single reporter to cover. It would require an army of experts, pro-
duction managers, statisticians, economists, geologists, agrono-
mists to visit China and interpret their findings for us; but by the
time their reports were written their information would be out of
date.

There are, nevertheless, some broad questions which can be
asked and answered: How much credence can be given to Chinese
statistics? Does China have adequate mineral resources to enable
her to become a first-class industrial power? Does she have the
technical know-how? We acknowledge that China is advancing in-
dustrially, but what is the pace of this advance? To what extent
has she developed her international commerce? What particular
technological problems does China face in the future?



Chinese figures—can we believe them?
A number of distinguished economists and industrialists from
European and Asian countries have in the past few years visited
China, and I am impressed with the fact that they make much use

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China
Kaleidoscope 1
Notes from My Journal and Letters



Are things specially arranged for foreigners?
Yes and no. No in any significant sense of changing things to
impress a visitor. Often the foreigner is alone, as I am. Are they
going to disrupt a factory employing 25,000 just so one person will
be pleasantly surprised by what he sees? I have often at the last
minute changed my plans and decided to see this instead of that.
Are they going to go to much trouble for a plan that might be
changed by a visitor's whim?

Secondly: They simply don't care! They are not overly concerned
with what we think. They are enormously busy—as a nation at war.
is busy. We don't care in the middle of a war whether some foreign
journalist gets the "right" impression or not. It is part of our self-
importance to think that our opinion matters so much to them.

But yes in a different sense. Preparations are made; a hotel room
is booked; certain plans are arranged for, the picnic lunch is pre-
pared. The most "casual" day, you can see afterward, was most
carefully thought out—mostly for your own comfort. The Chinese
have a rare sensitivity about a traveler's needs. They seem to know
exactly when he's had enough, when he wants to be alone, when
he needs a nap, when he needs a beer. Chinese are among the best

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PART FOUR


How the
Communes Started 12
It was in the autumn of 1958 that the word commune
first began to appear in the American press. There were rumors of
something big developing in China—some new, ominous upheaval.
Details were lacking (at first) but the word itself held sinister con-
notations: and in any case, nothing good could be happening in
mainland China. If it weren't good, clearly it was the duty of honest
statesmen—not to mention news analysts—to say so.

They did. On November 14, Secretary of State Dulles informed
representatives of the Colombo Plan nations assembled in Seattle
that the Chinese were "imposing mass slavery on 650 million peo-
ple." They had "degraded the dignity of the human individual."
They had created "a vast slave state."

Scripps-Howard newspapers featured a series of articles entitled
"Chain Gang Empire". I recall one of the cartoons illuminating this
series offered a row of skulls above a blood-spattered wall, upon
which was written (in words of blood) "Family destruction," "bes-
tiality," "slave labor." And Life magazine presented pictures (art-
ists' drawings, that is) of burning villages and weeping women.

I was in America when the commune movement began. I felt
knew enough about the Chinese people (and by this time enough

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Basic Structure
and Finances 13
Returning to China in 1960, I brought with me a
host of preconceived ideas—as well as apprehensions—about the
communes. Many of these centered around the significance of the
word voluntary and the accusations of forcible breakup of families,
both of which I will touch on later. As for the communes them-
selves, I suppose I must have imagined some sort of physical struc-
ture into which one could walk and say, "Now I am in a commune."
The fact is that wherever you are in the countryside in China today,
you are "in a commune"—just as in America, in the country, you
are always in some particular county or township. At first you might
have walked through hundreds of villages without noticing any-
thing new, because the change is primarily administrative and
social. Today, however, you would see changes in the form of new
buildings: commune schools, canteens, kindergartens, factories, and
workshops.

In extent, the commune equals roughly the basic political divi-
sion of the Chinese countryside—the shiang, equivalent to an
American township. ordinarily a shiang comprises several villages
with a total of from five to ten thousand families, although it
can be considerably larger. And some of the really large communes
cover several shiangs.

The commune took over responsibility not only for agricultural
work in its area but for all those functions usually assigned to local
government, or (in the United States) to small business. Primary
and middle schools, nurseries, kindergartens, "spare-time" (adult-
education) schools, canteens, industries, clinics and hospitals,
banking, housing, barber shops, repairs, markets, libraries, theaters,

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15: Some Key Questions Answered






Press Coverage 16
Developments in China since the revolution have
been most inadequately reported by the American press, and much
of what is written has been tendentious. It is through newspaper
stories and wire-service reports on radio and TV that the American
public forms its opinions. Whether or not the American people
are correctly informed may have a considerable bearing upon the
survival of Western democracy, and perhaps upon the survival of
mankind itself. I am not one who believes that any vigorous people
need be shielded from the facts.

Unable to send its own reporters to China, the American press
seems to have abandoned all attempts at any serious analysis of
what is actually happening there. China's economic achievements
have now (belatedly) been conceded, though sometimes skepti-
cally. Reports trickling in from British and Canadian travelers, the
accounts given by responsible international scientists of the tre-
mendous advances made in Chinese science, and some blunt warn-
ings from British and other industrialists that China may be the
third largest industrial power within a decade, have made it impos-
sible to conceal that some very rapid and striking advances have
indeed taken place there. These advances have been explained in
the American press by what one might call the "slave-labor" theory.
According to this, the Chinese government has dragooned their
population. By driving the half-billion Chinese peasants into com-
munes, by uprooting traditional family patterns and working the
entire population fantastically long hours, enormous resources of
manpower have been made available for agriculture and industry.
In other words, material gains have been achieved by what Joseph

-145




Visit to a
Rural Commune 17


Chengchow, Honan Province
Today I went to a rural commune near this city,
which lies in the Yellow River Valley.

Honan province has always been one of the poorest areas of
China. Last night, when they asked me what kind of commune I
wanted to see, I said, "Your worst." They didn't seem to resent this.
The commune I saw today was, they said, the poorest within driving
distance, and after seeing it I can believe it. So much for the story
that visitors see only the show places.

We left at eight. They had a Russian car for me today, small but
brand-new, and we drove out of Chengchow over a reasonably good
dirt road. (They drive with more zip here and without that mad-
dening habit of rushing ahead and then coasting, which the Peking
drivers are convinced saves gas.) After half an hour we branched
off and for another thirty minutes we bounced along a wagon track.
It was already hot. The sky was pale blue; there were no clouds.

Groups of peasants in wide straw hats were in the fields at work
with hoes and rakes. Some were resting. The land here reminds me
of parts of northern Spain, arid and barren, and the crops of wheat
and millet looked sparse. The whole area has been badly hit by
drought.

My interpreter told me this was the first time he had been in
this part of China. It seems that there was no Intourist interpreter
in Chengchow and he had been sent from Wuhan to meet me. A
foot infection held me up in Peking and he's been hanging around
for ten days waiting for me. He told me all this while we were

-154-




China
Kaleidoscope 2
Notes from My Journal and Letters



Patterns of Thinking
Patterns of thinking are not easy to shake. The prevailing
Chinese image of the United States is that of a country controlled
by a few rich capitalists grinding down the poor. They refuse to lis-
ten when I try to correct that image and when I tell them that
American society is far more varied, far more complex, far livelier
than they imagine' and that whatever fraudulence and exploitation
does exist is more subtle, more hidden than their image would
suggest.

When I tell the Chinese something that conflicts with their pre-
conceived idea, they are bewildered but are too polite to tell me
that they think I'm stringing them a line.

Examples of things they have had a hard time swallowing: that
the Negro girl who comes once a week to help my wife with the
housework comes in a car better than our own (Negroes are the
most crushed of all the American poor); that I take the garbage
to the dump and help with the washing up (a capitalist like my-
self, rich enough to travel, would have poor people laboring for
him); that the unemployed are not lining up in the streets in New

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PART FIVE


On Chinese Law 18
At whatever level one views the China scene today,
it is a nation on the move, in a state of flux. Law in China is no
exception.

The nation has many laws, but no codification of laws. It is im-
possible in China to refer to any legal abstracts or résumés. Even
the structure of the courts, the definition of crimes, the procedures
of handling criminal and civil cases are changing almost from day
to day. Chinese law is in a trial-and-error period.

"A time of rapid social change is not the time to codify laws," I
was told by one of China's top legal authorities, Mr. Wu Teh-peng,
vice-president of the Chinese Political Science and Law Association,
and a member of the Committee of Judiciary of the National Peo-
ple's Congress. "We are now in a period of transition from one kind
of society to another, moving toward socialism," Mr. Wu said. "Law
is the armor of the social system and it must change as the system
changes. If, for example, laws pertaining to property had been
codified during the co-operative stage of agriculture, they would
now be quite out of date, since the commune movement has altered
the whole basis of ownership." Mr. Wu, vigorous, with a bristly
mustache, was, I felt, a very able scholar-politician. He looked at
me over his glasses. "Besides," he added, "we prefer a gradually
evolving system. Law must always remain in harmony with the re-
alities of human nature. . . ."

-191-




Peking University 22
Professor Wang Shê-chen, vice-dean of Peking Uni-
versity, and I were sitting in one of the smaller houses on the cam-
pus. The room smelled faintly of incense and the light filtered
through the green foliage of the bamboo outside the window.

Founded in 1898, the university was, for many years, a hotbed
of radical activity. It was sparks from on campus that kindled the
May 4 literary renaissance just after the First World War. Mao Tse-
tung was an assistant in the library. Founders of the Chinese Com-
munist Party studied and taught here, and Lu Hsun, later known
as the Chinese Gorki, was a professor of literature during the early
twenties.

Since 1952, Peking has been graduating more technical and
scientific personnel than any other university in China. There is a
liberal-arts school, but more than 70 per cent of the nearly 11,000
students are in basic and theoretical science. The college of medi-
cine and department of agriculture were transferred to Peking
Medical College and Peking Agricultural College after the nation-
wide amalgamation in 1952.

The average age of entering students has gone down to eighteen,
with the increase in secondary-school attendance. Students of the
arts get a five-year course, science students, six—those who show
special ability can stay on for three years of research.

Women make up 20 per cent of the student body, a lower per-
centage than in teacher-training and medical colleges. There are
three hundred foreign students from thirty countries.

Tuition, rooms, books, and medical care are free. Those who are
able to afford it pay 12 yuan ($4.80) a month for food, those un-
able receive a subsidy. Sixty per cent of the students get grants for
food and clothing. The library they showed me contained over two

-226-


Long Live
the Dancers 23
There is for me a ponderous, heavy-footed quality to
the slogan, "mass line in education." One thinks of an army moving
over difficult terrain; gradually, by sheer force of numbers and de-
termination, overwhelming the opposition. But China is a land in
which there is always another surprise waiting. I thought I had the
national education policies fairly well understood and neatly en-
closed in my notes, until I visited the Conservatory of Music and
the Peking Dance School.

This was like coming across a poem of Keats in the middle of
a fifteen-hundred-page census report.

The discovery occurred purely by accident. No one had told me
about either of these institutions beforehand.

One evening I happened to have gone to a performance of
Giselle at a Peking theater. While the dancing was good but rela-
tively undistinguished, the music was exquisite. I could not see the
players in the orchestra pit, but kept wondering who they were,
whether some group of French or Czech or Russian musicians
might be in town whom I had not heard about. I asked a friend
sitting by me and he said, "Go and take a look." And during the
intermission I did. Not only were the players Chinese, they were
all teen-agers! We always think Chinese children younger than they
actually are; and these looked like twelve- or thirteen-year-olds,
boys in neat white shirts and girls with ribbons in their hair. And
here they were, re-creating that dated, stylized nineteenth-century
French mood as if they had all just stepped off the Boulevard
Saint-Michel.

I learned they were students from the middle school attached

-230-




Polonius and the
organization Man 24
"From now on your pen will be your weapon. Take
as good care of it as a soldier does of his gun. See that your gun is
always aimed at the enemy; take care that it never hurts your own
comrades."

This piece of advice (according to an article in Peking Review
for January 13, 1961) had been offered by the party organizer of a
Shanghai steel mill to a young steelworker, who, having shown
promise as a writer, was about to embark upon the high seas of
literature. This was several years ago and the young man took the
advice to heart and is now one of China's best-selling novelists. His
name is Hu Wan-chun, and I had a long talk with him while I was
in Shanghai. But before we come to that, let me note that several
centuries earlier another piece of advice was offered to a young
man about to set forth on an equally perilous journey: "To thine
own self be true," said Polonius to Laertes, "and it must follow, as
the night the day, thou canst not then be false to any man."

Here, in few words, is a central precept of the Renaissance
which became, in turn, the ethic of the man-of-letters of the Prot-
estant Reformation, and of the "enlightened" revolutions of the
eighteenth and nineteenth' centuries. Thomas Jefferson would have
subscribed to this and so would Walt Whitman; and probably the
majority of writers in the Western world of 1961 would be willing
to claim it as their own.

It stands in apparently direct opposition to the ethic stated by the
Communist organizer.

For Polonius, truth can only be discovered by the individual.
There can be no vicar. That which is right is what my conscience

-237-



China
Kaleidoscope 3
Notes from My Journal and Letters



Letter to Elena August 20
The Chinese are extraordinarily unself-conscious with each
other. I have told you this before, but I am repeatedly struck by
how much like members of a large family they are.

Yesterday on the train—it was very hot—the two men who were
sharing my compartment took off their trousers and sat comfortably
in their underpants, and I did the same. Very sensible and com-
fortable. I had a momentary shudder thinking of what would hap-
pen to me if I took my trousers off while traveling on the Southern
Pacificl This morning I shared the washroom with a young woman.
We smiled good morning to each other and went on with our re-
spective tooth-brushings and washing without concern.

This sense of being among a family has its sad side, too. I feel,
however friendly they are, that I am still on the outside. As when
staying with a large and affectionate family, they can do everything
to make one feel at home, but one is never one of them. I think a
Westerner could be in China for years, perhaps all his life, but
would never escape the sense that he is suspended between two

-257-



PART SIX


The Chinese Case 26
We believe, Mr. Greene, you came to our country in
order to understand us. Many come already convinced that any-
thing to do with communism is evil. They see what they want to
see. They are appalled at our poverty, our backwardness, and all
that is ugly and mean in our country. They are quick to notice
our mistakes. They will carry back with them what they came with,
for where in the world cannot a visitor find unpleasant and un-
worthy things if that is what he is looking for? And others, thought-
less people, idealists, come disposed to see only what is good. They
have an idealized picture of the new China in their minds, and they
are in some ways more difficult to deal with than the others, for
when they can no longer pretend to themselves that everything in
China is wonderful, they turn on us bitterly and reject everything
because we disappointed them.

We want neither to be prejudged nor idealized. We would like
to be seen as we are—a people trying, and with great effort, to lift
ourselves from a state of poverty and feudalism into a modern na-
tion with equal opportunities for all.

The lines of communication between China and America are
now so tenuous that they hardly exist at all. We read with amaze-
ment what is said about us by writers living in Hong Kong who
have never been here—never, at least, to the new China, which
bears so little resemblance to the old—or by China "experts" sitting

-267-
China
Kaleidoscope 4
Notes from My Journal and Letters



Continuity
In 1958 Mao Tse-tung said, "China's six hundred million
people are first of all poor, and secondly, 'blank.' That may seem
like a bad thing, but it is really a good thing. Poor people want
change, want to do things, want revolution. A clean sheet of paper
has no blotches and so the newest and most beautiful words can be
written on it, the newest and most beautiful pictures can be painted
on it."

Almost 2500 years ago, Lao-tzu, speaking of Tao, the "Way,"
said, "The Way is like an empty vessel. . . ." And, "We turn clay
to make a vessel, but it is on the space where there is nothing that
the usefulness of the vessel depends. . . . Just as we take advan-
tage of what is, we should recognize the usefulness of what is not."



Peking, Taipei, and Quemoy
Chinese are Chinese, whether they are on Taiwan or the main-
land. Their civil war is imposed upon a much older and deeper con-

-295-


PART SEVEN


Public Health
and the Mass Line 27
There cannot be the slightest doubt that China, dur-
ing the pasta eleven years, has achieved enormous advances in public
health. As early as 1957 nine distinguished British doctors visited
China. They reported that while some formidable problems still
remain to be conquered, the Chinese claim many outstanding
achievements:

Item: "Between 1949 and 1957, 860 new hospitals were built
(averaging 350 beds)" i.e., one hospital was completed somewhere in
China every three-and-a-half days.

Report by F. Avery Jones, M.D., FRCP,
British Medical Journal,
November 9, 1957.

Item: On the care of the mother: "In some ways, of course, the
Chinese are giving a lead. . . . Five to seven antenatal examinations
are done. . . . Maternal mortality in 1956 was said to be only 0.3 per
1000 live births in this district [ Peking] and 0.28 in Shanghai . . .
the rate in England and Wales in 1955 was 0.54."

Report by T. F. Fox, M.A., M.D., FRCP,
The Lancet
November 9, 16 and 23, 1957.

-305-



"Walking on
Two Legs" 29
One sip is worth 10,000 words.

Somehow I had picked up a nasty variety of foot-infection while
I was in Peking, and found myself, one disenchanted morning, in
company with my interpreter headed for the hospital, not as a VIP,
but as a rather anxious patient. For ten days I had been on anti-
biotics and sleeping pills. Today, with a foot twice its normal size,
they were to decide what further action was called for.

My journal for that day reads as follows:

I sat for half an hour in line downstairs outside the surgery clinic.
It reminded me of some of the older London hospitals, the cracked
paint, the exposed pipes everywhere, the people crowding the
benches waiting their turn.

Alongside me was a Young Pioneer, red scarf round his neck,
short pants, keen-looking. Little by little in the hot passage his
head drooped and finally I felt it resting against my arm.

On another bench a father with a small girl and younger boy
waited while the wife was being attended inside. I watched the
endless delight he seemed to take in his children as he played with
them, letting them thump him playfully on the chest, letting the
boy go through his pockets. No one took much notice of their
antics; I think they would have been "hushed" in England or Amer-
ica. The little fellow, perhaps he was all of three, crawled under
the bench and tugged away at a loose bracket. But no one minded.

Down the line was a young tough whose injured forearms were
bandaged together to keep him from moving them too much. An
old, old lady with bound feet with that wise and patient look so

-322-


Food and Famine 32
China has long been known as the "land of famine."
Before 1949, Americans were all too familiar with appeals for Chi-
nese famine relief. For centuries the twin plague of flood and
drought wreaked havoc upon the Chinese people; in the public
mind this and a huge population were the sole causes of recurring
famine in China.

Scarcely if at all, was it recognized that the nature of Chinese
society was the main contributing factor. Feudal and backward,
China lacked the necessary machinery to subdue the ravages of na-
ture in such a huge area. A completely inadequate transport system
prevented the movement of food to stricken areas, even though a
surplus might exist elsewhere.

Under the Kuomintang, corruption and warlordism were further
contributing factors. Detailed accounts have been published in the
West of relief supplies and funds from abroad finding their way
to the black market and into official pockets, while hundreds of
thousands were reduced to eating bark and grass. It will be recalled
that former Mayor of New York Fiorello La Guardia resigned his
post as China UNRRA director in 1947 for precisely this reason.

One of the monumental changes which has come to China under
the new government has been the launching of the huge complex of
flood control, water conservation, and forestation projects, which,
helped by the extension of railways and highways, has diminished
the hazards of flood and drought. Measures previously unheard of,
such as transporting flood-evicted peasants to areas where planting
can be done while inundated lands are drained, have been carried
out.

While I was traveling in China during 1960, I saw many signs
both of the excessive rainfall and the extreme drought which had

-347-



China through
the Eyes of Others 33
Except in Peking one is not likely to run across many
foreigners in China today. However, in the nation's capital, almost
every country in the world is represented, except, of course, Amer-
ica: official delegations and advisers from the Soviet bloc, Euro-
pean, Asian, African, and Cuban diplomats and businessmen,
"peace delegates" from all parts of the globe, students from several
score of countries, and a handful of resident Westerners who work
for the Chinese government.

These people have opinions, ranging from high optimism to
crushing pessimism, on what is taking place in China. I have met
a fair sampling of them; I've chatted with some and engaged in ex-
tended talks with others. Most of my contacts were with foreigners
(Europeans and Asians) who have been here for at least a year or
more, either on business or in the service of their governments.

The following are some of the thoughts and observations they
expressed to me, as I recorded them in my notebook:

Englishman: The leaders, especially Mao, are not motivated by
desire for personal glory. They are basically modest men. The cult
of Mao does not spring from a growing self-importance on his part.
The government remains as always a group government; the policy
of establishing Mao as the father figure of the nation was probably
a consciously arrived at, politically sophisticated decision taken col-
lectively by the politburo for reasons of sound necessity. The Chi-
nese have traditionally looked to a man as a leader, rather than an
impersonal "government."

-355-



PART EIGHT


"Water in Our
Hands" 34
All China is intensely conscious of the problem of
water because on water depends both the industrial and agricultural
future of the country. The use of water power is understood by
everyone, from schoolchildren who make model dams, and com-
mune brigades which back up small streams in order to drive their
home-made generators, to the engineers planning vast hydroelectric
and river-control projects, comparable in scale to our TVA.

China has too much water in the south (though in the past most
of it was lost through flood runoff) and too little in the north, par-
ticularly the Northwest. The planners are talking of long-range
schemes for diverting some of the great rivers, or channeling part of
their flow, into the semi-arid northern regions. But that is for the
future. The most immediate problem was to check the floods which
for centuries had ravaged China's two greatest food-producing
areas, the Yellow and Yangtze basins; and at the same time, to
realize the potential hydroelectric power for mechanization of their
farms and for general industrial development.

I selected the Sanmen Gorge Dam in Honan province for a visit,
not because it is the largest, but because its construction was fur-
thest advanced of all the really big projects.

It was late at night when I arrived at Hui Shin Station, closest
point on the railroad to Sanmen Gorge. It had been raining heavily.
The sky was black, starless; and the station building, which showed

-363-


In the Valley
of the Yangtze 35
The Northeast may be the most important industrial
area in China, but there are others where industry is rapidly ex-
panding. Wuhan, a vital river port southwest of Nanking on the
Yangtze River, has become a major industrial city. The constuction
of a huge integrated iron-and-steel works a few years ago has made
this the steel center of central China.

After Anshan in the Northeast, Wuhan is destined to become
China's number-two steel base. The transport hub for nine prov-
inces, it is close to rich iron ore in Tayeh; not far off are limestone,
dolomite, and coking coal. From this industrial site in central China,
it is expected products will be made available to large sections of
the country.

Located where the Yangtze meets its northern tributary, the Han
River, this tri-city (Hankow, Wuchang, and Hanyang) was finally
linked when the Yangtze Bridge was finished in 1957. Like so many
Chinese cities, Wuhan was once staked out by Western powers, into
six foreign concessions. There is still a big clock here and its chimes
remind one of Big Ben in London.

Wuhan and its surrounding area has been ravaged throughout
recorded history by the Yangtze overflowing its banks. In 1931
flood waters reached a record height of ninety-two feet. Dikes burst
and the three cities and countryside were submerged for months.
Nearly a million people were victims, more than half of them losing
their homes, many their lives.

In the summer of 1954 both the Yangtze and Han rivers over-
flowed, reaching a height of more than ninety-eight feet. Unlike

-369-


A Quich Look
at Shanghai 36
My hotel in Shanghai caters chiefly to Overseas Chi-
nese who are visiting China, or coming home to stay. For the latter
this hotel serves as a "staging area" until they find permanent quar-
ters in Shanghai or move on to jobs elsewhere. Most of the guests
are from Southeast Asia, but some come from Europe, and I am
told that several are returnees from the United States.

The building is in the Western style, with large rooms and excel-
lent service. Meals are Chinese or European. From my seventh-
story window I look out over an expanse of lawns, trees, flowers; and
off to the right is the Museum of Natural History. All this was once
the famous Shanghai Race Course. Now it is the People's Park.

Nanking Road, where my hotel is, remains Shanghai's most thriv-
ing shopping district. Night and day, Nanking Road is crowded
with people, bicycles, and buses; and already some of the tiny new
two-horsepower, four-seater taxiettcs—it is hoped they will in time
replace the pedicabs—are beginning to appear. About a mile south
from the hotel is the Bund, the famous quayside along the muddy
Hwangpu River. Just this way from the bridge crossing Soochow
Creek, opposite the British Consulate Compound, is Garden Park,
where, as my interpreter hastened to inform me, used to be posted
the never-to-be-forgotten, never-to-be-forgiven sign: "No dogs or
Chinamen admitted."

Shanghai, when I came here three years ago, had seemed stag-
nant and drab. But on the present trip, nowhere was I so struck by
the rapid change as here in this city. Shanghai is booming; her

-376-



POSTSCRIPT
No one can come away from a visit to China today
without being impressed, even overwhelmed, by the experience. It
is impossible not to feel while one is there that one is witnessing
one of the great episodes of history and that all our futures are
bound to be influenced by it.

Throughout my stay in China, as during my visit there in 1957,
I had an extraordinary impression that China was drawing on re-
sources latent within her for a long time and was moving forward
very rapidly to a great future. With her vast manpower, the indus-
triousness and intelligence of her people, and the aptitude they
are showing in mastering technological processes, it is quite possi-
ble that our children, or theirs, may see China regain the position
of world leadership that she held before for so many centuries.

The advances achieved by the Chinese people in the past eleven
years have been too well-documented to be denied. But questions
at once come to mind. The material advances may have been great,
but at what human cost have they been achieved? At what loss of
human dignity? With what denial of human freedom?

But on whose standards are we to judge and make an answer?

If China's advances are well-documented, so are the conditions
of the past.

"I knew Shanghai when it was the gayest city in the Far East
[wrote Richard Hughes of the London Sunday Times]—gay, that
is, if you were a foreigner or a Chinese millionaire. But there were
corpses in the street every night, 20,000 died a year from hunger,
cold and exposure. And there were swarms of beggars. And the
childish street walkers. And the sweating rickshaw coolies, with a
professional life expectancy of eight years if they didn't smoke too
much opium. . . .

"Now no one goes hungry in Shanghai. . . .

-387-



APPENDIX 1
Language Reform
Among the real problems confronting the Chinese peo-
ple as they move into the modern world is the complexity of their
language, written and spoken.

Unlike our own language, Chinese has no alphabet. Written Chi-
ncse was originally ideographs, or pictures, of the object denoted; and
though these ideographs, known as characters, today are no longer rec-
ognizable as such, they are a cumbersome way of e­xpression.

With our alphabet of twenty-six symbols we can make tens of thou-
sands of words with comparative ease; in Chinese each word requires
its own character to be laboriously memorized. Many of them are
highly complex. The word for "I" in Chinese requires seven strokes.
"Salt" calls for no less than twenty-four. The Chinese have estimated,
for example, that it takes a child at least two years longer to master
the rudiments of reading and writing in China than it does his counter-
part in a country where an alphabet is used.

The handicaps of written Chinese are obvious. Typewriters in China
—there are very few—need several hundred keys; typesetting of books,
magazines and newspapers is enormously complicated; telegrams have
to be encoded and decoded with each character given a four-number
code; and the work required to learn even a minimum of one thousand
to fifteen hundred characters—enough to be able to read a newspaper
—is extremely arduous. A scholar is required to know characters in the
thousands. Experts are divided on the total number of characters in the
language-between forty and fifty thousand.

Another complication that confronts the Chinese is the great variety
of their dialects. Although more than 70 per cent of the people speak.
various forms of pu tong hua (known in the West as Mandarin), the
remainder speak dialects quite different from this, as well as different
from each other. While the written language is the same throughout
the country, the dialects often are so different that people from one
area cannot understand those from another. For example, "Mandarin"
pronunciation for cabbage, bai tsai, is pronounced bak choi in Can-
tonese. Wu dialect, which is spoken in and around Chekiang province

-393-

APPENDIX 4
Text of TV Interview
with Premier Chou En-lai
GREEN: Mr. Chou En-lai, may I thank you first for this opportu-
nity of asking you some of the questions about your-country and its poli-
cies which are concerning many thoughtful people in the West. As I
have a good many questions in my mind and our time is rather short,
may I plunge right in?

PREMIER CHOU: Yes. Please go ahead.

Question 1: I have seen many things while traveling through this
country which give me the impression that China is strenuously pre-
paring to defend herself. Does this mean that the Chinese government
feels that war with the United States is a probability?

Answer: The Chinese people do not want war with the United
States. The Chinese people have always wanted to be friends with the
American people. We wish to build up our own country in a peaceful
environment. We believe that the American people, too, do not want
war with China. The U.S. government, however, has all along pursued
a policy of aggression against China. The United States has occupied
China's territory, Taiwan, and set up many military bases and guided-
missile bases in regions close to China. It seeks in this way to form a
military encirclement of China. The United States has carried out end-
less military provocations and war threats against China. Since Sep-
tember 1958, U.S. aircraft and warships have intruded into China's
air space and territorial waters over a hundred times. Moreover, the
United States has time as again staged large-scale military maneuvres
in the Far East with China as the hypothetical enemy. It has stepped
up the rearming of Japan and concluded a treaty of military alliance
with Japan, thus threatening the security of China, the Soviet Union,
and the Southeast Asian countries. Confronted with these war threats,
the Chinese people cannot but be constantly on guard and strengthen
their power to defend themselves. The greater our power for self-de-
fense, the harder it will be for the United States to carry out military

-406-




in China to a most scholarly and interesting book entitled Studies on
the Population of China 1368-1953, by Dr. Ho Ping-ti. This will for
long, I think, remain the definitive work concerning China's popula-
tion. Though in Dr. Ho's view the census was not without some flaws,
it was planned with great care and the results are likely to be closer
to the truth than any previous Chinese population figures.

There is some doubt about how quickly China's'population is in-
creasing. This can only be fully determined when the next census is
taken. When I was in China in 1957 the figure generally accepted was
2.2 per cent per annum. Further studies apparently indicated it was
closer to 2.0 per cent per annum. Premier Chou En-lai used the 2.0
per cent figure in the course of my television interview with him.

With the 1953 census as a base, and using the 2.0 per cent figure as
the annual average increase, China's population on December 31,
1961, will be 689,329,559. Including Taiwan (somewhat over ten mil-
lion) the population at the time will have reached close to 700 mil-
lion; excluding Taiwan, China's population will pass the 700 million
mark during 1962.

On December 31, 1961, the population of China (excluding Tai-
wan) will be increasing at the rate of 13,786,591 per year or about
1,574 per hour.

To put these figures in their world setting, the population of the
world on December 31, 1961, will be approximately 2,996,450,000, in-
creasing at an estimated rate of 1.65 per cent according to UN esti-
mates or 49,441,425 per year; or approximately 5,644 every hour.



APPENDIX 7
TV and Radio in China
China first began making TV sets, on a limited scale, in
1958. In September 1960 two stations were in operation, in Peking and
Shanghai. Daily programs—popular science, sports, opera and theater,
children's programs—usually lasted two to three hours, and special pub-
lic events brought the average total transmission time to around twenty-
five hours a week. There were then only 12,700 receiving sets in the

-419-


BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. Books  
II. Periodicals, Pamphlets, and Documents  


Bibliography I—Books
Barnett, A. Doak, Communist China and Asia, New York: Harper
and Bros. (Council on Foreign Relations), 1960.

Belden, Jack, China Shakes the World, New York: Harper and Bros.,
1949.

Bodde, Derk, China's Cultural Tradition, New York: Rinehart and
Co., 1957. (Source Problems in World Civilization.)

Boorman, Howard L., Eckstein, Alexander, et al., Moscow-Peking Axis,
New York: Harper and Bros. (Council on Foreign Relations),
1957.

Cameron, James, Mandarin Red, New York: Rinehart and Co., 1955.

Chao Kuo-chun, Agrarian Policies of Mainland China (1949-1956),
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957.

Clark, Gerald, Impatient Giant:Red China Today, London: W. H.
Allen, 1960.

De Simone Beauvoir, The Long March, Cleveland: World Publishing
Co., 1958.

De Amaury Riencourt, The Soul of China, New York: Coward-Mc-
Cann (with the Foreign Policy Research Institute of the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania), 1958.

De A. Segonzas, Visa for Peking, London: William Heinemann, 1956.

Faure, Edgar, The Serpent and the Tortoise, New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1958.

Fei Shiao-tung and Chang Chih-i, Earthbound China:A Study of theSocial Life of a Chinese County Seat

-421-

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